By Kerry Walters
Provides a complete assessment of 10 significant slave revolts and examines how these uprisings and conspiracies impacted slaveholding colonies and states from 1663 to 1861.
- Offers an outline of yankee slave revolts and conspiracies to revolt
- Explores the context of persistent worry of rebellion in slaveholding colonies and states in North the United States from 1663 to 1861
- Offers money owed gleaned from basic assets concerning slave leaders and their lieutenants, and of the pains that condemned them
- Describes the weather of worry during which slaveholding whites lived, in addition to many of the social practices and felony statutes they enacted to lessen the chance of slave revolt
- Includes a story, basic fabrics, biographics, a chronology, and an annotated bibliography―all of in an effort to be precious to scholars writing papers at the topic
Read or Download American Slave Revolts and Conspiracies: A Reference Guide PDF
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Additional info for American Slave Revolts and Conspiracies: A Reference Guide
They knew that it would not be long before they would have to ﬁght not only for their freedom but for their very lives. That this is most likely the case is suggested by a contemporary description of what the rebellious slaves did after they settled in the ﬁeld. ” The author of this account concludes that the hoopla was intended “to draw more Negroes to them,” and perhaps that is partly true. But as one historian points out, “military dancing was a part of the African culture of war . . as much a part of military preparation as drill was in Europe .
Herbert Aptheker, American Negro Slave Revolts, 50th anniversary edition (New York: International Publishers, 1993). 4. Junius S. ), “Introduction,” in Encyclopedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion, vol. 1 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2007), xli. 5. In his Nat Turner’s Slave Rebellion (New York: Humanities Press, 1966), for example, Herbert Aptheker writes, “The aim of an insurrection is not revolutionary; the aim of a rebellion is. A revolt is of less magnitude than a rebellion” (p. 2). His distinctions, therefore, are based on degree.
White legislators, panicked by the prospect of slave mayhem, quickly enacted harsher codes that forbade slaves to read or write, to attend church services unless whites were present, to congregate in unsupervised groups larger than three, and so on. After Gabriel Prosser’s unsuccessful bid to take Richmond in 1800, several Virginia legislators unsuccessfully tried to outlaw the practice of hiring-out, which they asserted radicalized slaves. Following Nat Turner’s bloody 1831 revolt, at least one Virginian publicly uttered the unspeakable: that perhaps Virginia would be better served by freeing all slaves and exporting them instead of keeping them and continuously risking insurrection.